“In addition to the National Post, CanWest now owns 14 large city dailies, 120 smaller dailies and weeklies, and the Global TV network… The telephone company Bell Canada owns the Globe and Mail as well as CTV… it also controls Sympatico… Quebecor owns the Sun newspaper chain, magazines, cable TV, the Canoe Internet portal, music and video stores and the private TVA network in Quebec. Torstar Corporation, publisher of Harlequin romance novels, also owns the Toronto Star… as well as four other dailies and 69 weeklies. Rogers Communications has interests in cable, radio, television, magazines, video stores and wireless telephone… “You can fit everyone who controls significant Canadian media in my office,” Vince Carlin, chair of the School of Journalism at Ryerson University in Toronto, told the Washington Post (1/27/02). “This is not a healthy situation.”
-Canada’s Media Monopoly, James Winter 2002
While there are many issues that hold feminism back, the biggest problem for the movement is a hostile media environment that is able to widely dictate culture and meaning, with little room for small or independent organizations to be heard. The monopoly on the production of mainstream media and thus the ability to pick what issues are presented to the general public (Daws, 2009) is the tallest of the barriers that any social movement requiring systemic change faces, as there will be a lack of public knowledge or familiarity with the marginalized viewpoints they represent. This benefits the current patriarchic socioeconomic power structure by leading the public into seeing the dominant worldview as the only view, and that any resistance, feminist or otherwise, is minimal, pathetic and unfounded (because it does not exist in the mainstream eye).
According to Laura Beth Daws, (2009) The Telecommunications Act of 1996 “paved the way for media corporations to obtain multiple holdings in both large and small markets, largely deregulating the media Marketplace”. The resulting media power structure is what is referred to as a “media monopoly” (Bagdikian in Daws, 2009) Which issues are discussed and the framework and angle from which they are discussed are thus in the hands of a small number of people, who need advertisers and politicians to be friendly towards their organizations to make money or obtain information, and thus will refuse to print articles with a critical political or anti-corporate stance (Winter, 2002). This results in both explicit, top-down censorship and self-censorship of journalists attempting point out social injustice (Winter, 2002). Because of the monopoly on production and distribution to large, major audiences, and because critical social material will have difficult time finding sponsorship, there are major barriers for smaller media organizations (Daws, 2009).
The mainstream media environment is also directly hostile to women. Women are treated as sex objects and stereotypes (Hammer, 2009) and issues concerning their wellbeing are rarely discussed (Flanders, 2009). There are very few women working in positions of creative power in the media industry (Flanders, 2009., Hammer 2009). Because of the relative impenetrability of this power structure, third wave feminism’s attitude has been to create, publish, post and culture jam on a smaller scale (Karaian and Mitchel, 2010).
There are over 700 female owned and oriented periodicals, blogs, websites, radio stations and the like listed in the directory of the Women’s Institute for Freedom of the Press (WIFP, 2010). Organizations like About-Face (www.about-face.org) and Adbusters (www.adbusters.org) are encouraging the public to “liberate” billboards from sexist and consumerist messages; to alter and mock dominant images. Individuals like Carly Stasko “imagitate” (Stasko, 2010) the masses by putting up informative posters or stickers. In “Action Grrrls in the Dream Machine” (in Karaian & Mitchel, 2010:71) Stasko discusses play as “a necessary componenet of feminist cultural production”. “Play” is expressed through such avant-garde actions as guerilla-theater or flash-mobs, which have been added to the third-wave feminist itinerary (Karaian and Mitchel, 2010). She “stresses the importance of engaging with one’s surroundings through cultural production rather than simply consuming it or reacting to it” (Karaian and Mitchel, 2010:71) Making a website or zine is easy, fun and powerful for third-wave feminists to spread their messages and to feel less isolated. The effectiveness of small-scale methods is limited in its scope, but has gained some popularity due to the decentralized, cheap, and relatively easy and anonymous nature of these expressions (Karaian and Mitchel, 2010) .
The Internet has been a very valuable tool to facilitate this process by empowering marginalized and isolated groups and individuals with the ability to communicate, relate, create, learn and distribute at levels previously only available to large organizations. This encourages a more cohesive community for feminists based on common motives and solidarity, rather than those based on geography or relation. (Ollivier et al, 2006). Hopefully, this will be a continuing and growing feature of Internet-based culture and communication.
Democratization of high quality media production is, however, occurring on the Internet and hopefully that trend will continue. Coupled with the continuation of traditional forms of small scale media production, women and other marginalized groups can have hope of reaching a wider audience than they have in the past (Ollivier et al, 2006., Karaian L., Mitchell A. 2010). These changes do not guarantee the spreading feminist messages to a wide audience, however. There are literally billions of people who watch corporate media channels throughout the world, so one must be realistic about the potential for dissemination of alternative view-points. Dominant paradigms are able to instill ideology (Hammer, 2009), more viewers per distributer, than ever before (Daws, 2009), and in a world saturated with constant media messages owned by the most powerful in our society, the voices of the less powerful are often drowned out.
References
Daws, L. (2009) Media monopoly: understanding vertical and horizontal integration. Communication Teacher. Vol. 23, No. 4, October 2009, pp. 148-152
Flanders, L. (1995) The Pundit Spectrum: How Many Women–and Which Ones? Retrieved from: http://www.fair.org/index.php?page=10&author_id=73
Karaian L., Mitchell A. (2010) Third-Wave Feminisms. N. Mandell (Eds.), Feminist Issues – Race Class and Sexuality (5th Edition)(pp. 63-86). Toronto, Ontario: Pearson Canada Inc.
Ollivier, M., Bobbins, W., Beauregard, D., Brayton, J., & SauvÉ, G. (2006). Feminist Activists On-line: A Study of the PAR-L Research Network. Canadian Review of Sociology & Anthropology, 43(4), 445-463. Retrieved from EBSCOhost.
Stasko, C., (2010) Imagitate the state. Retrieved from : http://www.imagitatethestate.wordpress.com
Women’s Institute for Freedom of the Press (2011) Women’s media. Retrieved from :http://www.wifp.org/womensmedia.html
Winter, J. (2002) Canada’s media monopoly – one perspective is enough, says CanWest. Retrieved from: http://www.fair.org/index.php?page=1106